| In the years since the promulgation of USCACA (and virtual de |
| facto rejection of that Act), approximately one-half of the |
| states developed statutory or case law on the issue. Of those, |
| about one-half recognized such agreements, and the other half |
| rejected them. A survey in December, 2000, revealed a wide |
| variety of approaches: eleven states allow gestational agreements |
| by statute or case law; six states void such agreements by |
| statute; eight states do not ban agreements per se, but |
| statutorily ban compensation to the gestational mother, which as |
| a practical matter limits the likelihood of agreement to close |
| relatives; and two states judicially refuse to recognize such |
| agreements. In states rejecting gestational agreements, the legal |
| status of children born pursuant to such an agreement is |
| uncertain. If gestational agreements are voided or criminalized, |
| individuals determined to become parents through this method will |
| seek a friendlier legal forum. This raises a host of legal |
| issues. For example, a couple may return to their home state with |
| a child born as the consequence of a gestational agreement |
| recognized in another state. This presents a full faith and |
| credit question if their home state has a statute declaring |
| gestational agreements to be void or criminal. |