| | The longstanding shortage of adoptable children in this | country has led many would-be parents to enlist a gestational | mother (previously referred to as a "surrogate mother") to bear a | child for them. As contrasted with the assisted reproduction | regulated by Article 7, which involves the would-be parent or | parents and most commonly one and sometimes two anonymous donors, | the gestational agreement (previously known as a surrogacy | agreement) provided in this article is designed to involve at | least three parties; the intended mother and father and the woman | who agrees to bear a child for them through the use of assisted | reproduction (the gestational mother). Additional people may be | involved. For example, if the proposed gestational mother is | married, her husband, if any, must be included in the agreement | to dispense with his presumptive paternity of a child born to his | wife. Further, an egg donor or a sperm donor, or both, may be | involved, although neither will be joined as a party to the | agreement. Thus, by definition, a child born pursuant to a | gestational agreement will need to have maternity as well as | paternity clarified. |
|
| | The subject of gestational agreements was last addressed by | the National Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws in | 1988 with the adoption of the Uniform Status of Children of | Assisted Conception Act (USCACA). Because some Commissioners | believed that such agreements should be prohibited, while others | believed that such agreements should be allowed, but regulated, | USCACA offered two alternatives on the subject; either to | regulate such activities through a judicial review process or to | void such contracts. As might have been predicted, the only two | states to enact USCACA selected opposite options; Virginia chose | to regulate such agreements, while North Dakota opted to void | them. |
|
| | In the years since the promulgation of USCACA (and virtual de | facto rejection of that Act), approximately one-half of the | states developed statutory or case law on the issue. Of those, | about one-half recognized such agreements, and the other half | rejected them. A survey in December, 2000, revealed a wide | variety of approaches: eleven states allow gestational agreements | by statute or case law; six states void such agreements by | statute; eight states do not ban agreements per se, but | statutorily ban compensation to the gestational mother, which as | a practical matter limits the likelihood of agreement to close | relatives; and two states judicially refuse to recognize such | agreements. In states rejecting gestational agreements, the legal | status of children born pursuant to such an agreement is |
|
|